It is time for a more mature debate on GM crops
Sunita Narain
The
Parliamentary Committee report on the crucial matter of genetically
modified (GM) crops is out and needs to be carefully read and not
summarily thrashed. It is clear that GM technologies need a robust and
credible regulatory framework to ensure that they work in the interests
of people and the environment. This is what the Committee, in its
exhaustive and all-party report, entitled ‘Cultivation of Genetically Modified Food Crops: Prospects and Effects’ has discussed.
My deposition to the committee is given below. I believe the issue of genetically modified food crops must be considered in terms of India’s ability to regulate new technologies, and the credibility of the scientific system that allows the use of these new technologies. And most importantly, it must consider the issue of price and the control of new technologies that take agricultural decisions out of the hands of farmers.
The report endorses this approach. I believe therefore, it is time for a more mature debate on GM crops. This is what the Parliamentary Committee report should help us do.
My deposition to the committee is given below. I believe the issue of genetically modified food crops must be considered in terms of India’s ability to regulate new technologies, and the credibility of the scientific system that allows the use of these new technologies. And most importantly, it must consider the issue of price and the control of new technologies that take agricultural decisions out of the hands of farmers.
The report endorses this approach. I believe therefore, it is time for a more mature debate on GM crops. This is what the Parliamentary Committee report should help us do.
Sunita Narain’s Memorandum to the Committee on Agriculture, presented on October 19, 2010
The following are key concerns that need to be addressed:
The case of Bt-brinjal: the need for credibility of public science to work for public good
Bt-brinjal
was being introduced without any recognition that this was the first
time the world would introduce GM technology for a vegetable of near
daily use, eaten in all our homes, often uncooked. Currently, most
other GM crops used widely across the world are either eaten in
processed form (soya) or used after industrial refining (corn or
rapeseed oil). Therefore, in this case, simplistic correlations -- that
genetically modified crops are safe, or known to be so -- should not
have
been applied. There are still questions regarding the scientific tests
done to establish the safety of this gene-modified vegetable on our
health. There are two issues that need to be deliberated on:
- If enough has been done to study the chronic impact of eating this daily vegetable on our bodies and health?
- Who has done these studies?
The
studies by Monsanto-MAYCO – the owner company – show the bulk have
looked at acute toxicity, a lethal dose 50 or more, a dose at which
there would be mortality of 50 per cent or more. The company has also
done studies on allergic reactions and skin irritation. On the other
hand, studies on sub-chronic toxicity are few – 90 days on rats,
rabbits and goats. The question that then emerges is: are the studies
good enough to understand the long-term impacts of ingesting
Bt-brinjal? The company says yes, maintaining 90 rat days are roughly
equivalent to 20-21 human years.
The
scientific community is however not convinced that these studies are
adequate to prove the safety of Bt-brinjal. The recent report of the
inter-academy panel shows how poor and misleading science can be in
these cases. The report has been widely criticized for being poor in
science – containing no references or attribution or even citations. It
makes sweeping statements, unsubstantiated claims and even shockingly
lifts material for global biotech industry.
This
report runs contrary to another recent analysis on Bt-brinjal – by
David Andow, from the department of entomology, University of
Minnesota. This report suggests that in fact, the EE-1 transgene may be
a second rate Bt-brinjal product. He also says that environmental risks
have not been adequately evaluated, including the effect of gene-flow
on biological diversity. He believes there is a risk to natural
crossing between Bt-brinjal and wild species.
There is the big issue if we as consumers can ‘trust’ the research? Is it impartial and credible? In
this case, as in most, research has been conducted by Mahyco-Monsanto.
There are also clear cases of conflict of interest among members of the
Genetic Engineering Approvals Committee, with links to the biotech
industry. Therefore, is this system credible enough for us to trust?
GM crops: scientific research will have to be publicly funded to do public research for public interest
The
issue of GM crops raises fundamental concerns about how we structure
and organize scientific research for public interest. Currently, all
research is funded by companies and then presented to regulators for
clearance. This leads to an enormous lack of credibility – people
cannot believe what the companies say has been done. And, given the
horrific and scandalous track record of private research misguiding
policy in the case of drugs or food, why should this be surprising?
It
is clear we need a new system: research must be publicly funded and
openly scrutinized. The money must come from companies, but in the form
of a tax/or cess, which is collected into a fund to pay for independent
research. Without that, even good research will be tainted by bad
public faith.
But
this is contrary to what is happening in the country. Today, in fact,
in the name of public-private partnerships, agribusiness companies are
getting access to public research and public facilities. This will
compromise the integrity and independence of public research further.
For
instance, Rajasthan government is close to signing a memorandum with
Monsanto, which gives this company access to research and scientific
facilities and public infrastructure in all agricultural research
universities and state seed corporations. How will this affect the
independence of scientists when it comes to deciding upon future
technologies?
This
is a big issue of concern globally as well. In the US, for instance,
lawyer, Robert Kennedy jr has written extensively about how
corporations ‘work’ with scientists. Kennedy calls them ‘biostitutes’ —
prostitutes to serve industrial interests and how this partnership
between science and industry compromises public health. It is clear
that new technologies like GM crops, which have serious implications
for health and risk to the environment, will need
science in the public interests. More importantly, it will need
scientists without conflict of interest.
GM crops need a strong regulatory and liability regime
The lesson of Bhopal is that high-risk
technologies also need liability regimes, which will safeguard public
health. All such technologies must pay the real cost of their present
and future dangers. Only then will we, as a society, try and understand
the risks better. Only then will we, as a society, make better
technology choices.
More
importantly, the issue of corporate liability is crucial for only then
will powerful companies worry about the implications of their actions
they take, today, on tomorrow’s generations. Today, they think of short
term and run-away profits – in chemicals, GM foods, nuclear energy or
mining and drilling in a ways where no one (or science) has ever gone.
We need very tough corporate liability so that companies think twice
before they expose us to dangers.
GM crops need the right of consumers to decide
India
does not have a food labeling system to distinguish the GM food from
other crops. Consumers have no choice but to eat this food.
Furthermore, it is virtually impossible to set up a labeling system for
a vegetable, in a country the size of India, where tests would have to
be done on the farms of GM and non-GM crop growers.
Labeling
of food also demands the country must have a laboratory network and a
functioning regulatory system, so that GM-content can be analyzed and
told to consumers. This is far from the set-up we have in the country.
CSE, for instance, tried to get edible oil checked for GM traces but
was turned away by most laboratories in India: they could not test or
had limited facilities; the tests were prohibitively expensive or not
possible. With Bt-Brinjal, therefore, arises the similar problem of
wanting ‘modern’ technology without ‘modern’ facilities to ensure
safety and regulation.
If
the functioning of the Food Safety and Standards Authority is any
indication then regulatory regimes in India, including what is being
proposed for biotechnology are easily open to corporate capture. In
this situation, can be allow high risk food to be introduced in the
country?
GM crops need systems to keep seeds out of control of companies
There
are unresolved and critical issues of the control of seeds in the hands
of farmers with the introduction of such monopolized technologies. As
in the case of Bt-cotton, there is little public research on varieties,
rather than hybrids, where farmers can reuse the seeds.
There
are also connected issues of price of seeds for farmers. Take the issue
of genetically modified Bt cotton, where Andhra Pradesh and other state
governments have been fighting a battle against monopolistic and
exploitative pricing of seeds. In 2006, AP used the Essential
Commodities Act (ECA) to slash the price of GM cotton seeds by more
than half. Other states have followed this example. But in December
2006, the Union government quietly amended the ECA to exclude cotton
seeds from the
list of essential commodities. This enabled Mahyo and other
multinational seed companies to challenge the states on their
jurisdiction in fixing cotton seed prices. In 2007, in response, AP
passed Act 29 to regulate the sale and price of cotton seeds. Gujarat
passed an ordinance along the same lines. But the Union agriculture
ministry has been working overtime to come to the rescue of
multinationals. In 2009, it filed an affidavit in the Gujarat High
Court saying “cotton seeds were out of the purview of any regulatory
and quality control mechanisms” and “no administered
control system should be introduced in the sale of seeds.”
In
this situation, what confidence can we have that the government will
indeed protect the interests of farmers against powerful agri-business
companies? In this situation can we really afford to introduce GM
crops, where seeds are almost completely controlled by these same
powerful companies?
GM food crops evaluation in term of yield and productivity
A
recent report of the Union of Concerned Scientists in the US has
evaluated the productivity and yields of GM crops in their country. In
the US, we know that GM soybean is grown on over 90 per cent of the
cropped area under that crop; 63 per cent of the corn crop is GM. The
report, which has carefully assessed the data on yields – both
intrinsic and operational – has come to a damning conclusion. It finds,
GE soya has not increased yield
and GE corn has increased yield only marginally
on a crop-wide basis. The increase in yield – substantial over the last
15 years – has not been the result of GE traits but because of
traditional breeding or improvements of other agricultural practices.
This
research needs to be carefully done in India has well, where our basic
reasoning for introducing GM food crops is improvement in productivity
and yields. It is also important to evaluate this in terms of
continuous productivity increases and evidence suggests that pest
resistance grows and that these crops are also susceptible to changes
in monsoon and other factors.
GM
food crops need to be assessed in terms of implications for the cost of
agriculture and if ‘affordability’ of food will be compromised
It
is time policy-makers recognized two critical facts. One, that growing
food will cost money and two, that we in India cannot afford expensive
ways of growing food. If the western world has flooded the food market,
it is not because their ways of farming are more efficient or their
farmers are more learned, but because their governments pay obscene
amounts as subsidy to underwrite the costs of growing food. The
European Union doles out US $51
billion each year to its farmers to keep them in the market. European
sugar farmers—whose produce our government imports often—are paid four
times the world market price. Then the surplus is dumped in world
market using an additional US $1 billion in export subsidy, which depresses global prices. The situation in the corporate-run US farms is similar.
In India, policy must be designed to increase the minimum support price so that farmers are paid for the costs they incur.
Today farmers invest huge amounts of private capital into building the
infrastructure for their operations unlike any private company or
industry. They pay for building irrigation
facilities—more than half the irrigated land is groundwater irrigated.
Some 19 million wells and tubewells have been built with private
capital. This cost must also be accounted for in the food bill.
But
as yet, policy has been caught between a rock and a hard place. On one
side are poor farmers who need to be paid for growing food. On the
other side are vast numbers (also farmers) who cannot afford the price
of that food. As yet, the policy has been to subsidise food, not pay
farmers. The public distribution system is designed to buy vast
quantities of food grain and supply it to people. It depends on keeping
the price of procurement as low as possible. That’s what the minimum
support price is all about. But India will have to design policies to
pay farmers the real cost of growing food.
The
challenge of reaching cheap food to vast numbers still remains. That’s
why the policy must recognize the need to cut the cost of growing food
as well. As yet, we are obsessed with crop yields, not realizing that
high-input agriculture is based on just one principle: increased cost
of production. This can work where consumers are affluent enough to pay
the price or governments are rich enough to subsidize farmers. It will
not work in India.
India
has to find ways of valuing agriculture, which is low-input but gives
relatively low yields. It is here that policy must be innovative. We
must invest big time in marginal agriculture. This means doing
watershed development to recharge groundwater and decentralized water
harvesting to improve irrigation. This also means better seeds and
procurement of locally grown food at good prices for food distribution
programmes. This will build local food sufficiency.
It
is in this context that India must evaluate the introduction of GM food
crops. Even if GM increases productivity (which itself is
questionable), the issue is at what cost does it do so? Will farmers be
able to get the price of their produce, if the cost of inputs
increases? On the one hand, there is the need for ‘affordable’ food for
feeding vast numbers of people in the country. On the other hand, there
is the international trade, where the rich countries continue to
subsidise their farmers, depressing and distorting the price of food.
These
factors must all play a role in our decision to introduce GM or not. It
is not a simple matter of a technology. This is a matter that concerns
our food and our future.
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